Authored by Anupama Rao, 2012
An Animated Life, The Smart CEO Magazine
Posted by Mahathi R. Arjun, July 15, 2011
From Amar Chitra Katha to Karadi Tales, ACK Media chief-executive Samir Patil’s love for technology makes sure his company is at the forefront in driving quality children’s content for new and emerging media. Much of Samir Patil’s business takes place over the phone. Even before he reaches his office at nine in the morning, he would have already attended several calls. As co-founder and chief-executive officer of Mumbai-based ACK Media Pvt. Ltd., Patil admits he is addicted to his Blackberry. “I’ve been using it for the past 10 years now – I’m always signed into my email account,” he says.
The State of Indian Social History, Journal of Social History
Authored by Prasannan Parthasarathi, Boston College, 2003
“Indian social history appears to be in decline. Although fine work in the field has been published in recent years, the cutting edge of scholarship on the Indian past has moved elsewhere, particularly into the domains of cultural and intellectual life. The signs of decline are particularly acute in North America, where social historical questions have been largely given up for investigations of colonial discourse, representations of colonialism or nationalism, and even philosophy and social theory,” Parthasarathi states.
Managing linguistic nationalism through constitutional design: Lessons from South Asia
Authored by Sujit Choudhry, NYC School of Law, 2009
How should constitutional design respond to competing claims for official language status in countries where there is more than one language, whose speakers are concentrated in a specific territory, and hence, where more than one language is a plausible candidate for use in public services, public education, legislatures, the courts, and public administration? This is one of the most pervasive and pressing constitutional problems of modern political life.
Madhav Khosla: Recognizing caste and religion entrenches these further, The Times of India
Conversation with Srijana Mitra Das, December 19, 2012
“It’s interesting to see the contest over what forms of western constitutionalism were embraced – why [India] chose parliamentarianism versus presidentialism, a strong judiciary, not a weak one, a Bill of Rights when the UK doesn’t have one. The end product, an amalgamation of many western ideas, ends up being unique. For key figures like Ambedkar and Nehru, this product is the route to modernity, bringing the ideals of democracy to India,” Khosla says.
Constitutionalism in Divided Societies, International Journal of Constitutional Law
Authored by Sujit Choudhry, NYU School of Law, 2007
“In a divided society, given a history of conﬂict or conspicuous lack of shared existence, the constitution is often the principal vehicle for arriving at a common political identity, which, in turn, is necessary to make a constitutional regime work. Although comparative experience must ﬁgure centrally in constitutional politics, particularly when it comes to framing constitutional settlements, comparative constitutional law as a scholarly discipline has largely been missing in action, with some distinguished exceptions,” states Choudhry.
How to do Comparative Constitutional Law in India? Naz Foundation, Same Sex Rights, and Dialogical Interpretation
Authored by Sujit Choudhry, in Comparative Constitutionalism in South Asia
Can India Overtake China?, Foreign Policy
Authored by Tarun Khanna and Yasheng Huang, July 1, 2003
“India has not attracted anywhere near the amount of FDI that China has. In part, this disparity reflects the confidence international investors have in China’s prospects and their skepticism about India’s commitment to free-market reforms. But the FDI gap is also a tale of two diasporas. China has a large and wealthy diaspora that has long been eager to help the motherland, and its money has been warmly received. By contrast, the Indian diaspora was, at least until recently, resented for its success and much less willing to invest back home. New Delhi took a dim view of Indians who had gone abroad, and of foreign investment generally, and instead provided a more nurturing environment for domestic entrepreneurs,” say Khanna and Huang.
Authored by Mahendra Lawoti in Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Nepal: Identities and Mobilization after 1990
“The pathway towards extensive mobilization in Nepal has been identity formation and previous ethno-political actions, particularly a lengthy, relatively cohesive and independent political movement…A common identity is necessary to mobilize groups because it is easier to mobilize people who identify as members of a community and recognize common problems. The higher the strength of group identity, the easier it becomes for political activists to mobilize their groups. Cultural differentials with the dominant group, higher literate population, deeper and wider degree of group discrimination, history of autonomy and territorial concentration, negative state attitude and favorable international context tend to contribute to stronger formation of group identities.”
Authored by Anupama Rao, 2012
Authored by Mahendra Lawoti in The Maoist Insurgency in Nepal: Revolution in the Twenty-First Century
“The growth of the insurgency in Nepal…raises many interesting questions. How did a violent Maoist movement grow and succeed in the post-Cold War adverse global environment? Why did a party that had participated in a democratic election launch a violent movement and receive significant support? Why did people support the rebellion when economic and development indicators were showing improvements? Does the success of the Maoists in Nepal indicate radical resurgence of communism globally?”
Authored by Mahendra Lawoti in Democratization, 15(2), 2008
“Is political exclusion a short-term phenomenon? Will democracies eventually correct this problem in due course? First, the Nepali and New Zealand cases show that exclusion may not be a short-term phenomenon, especially if majoritarian institutions have been adopted. Second, even if we assume that procedural majoritarian democracies have the capacity to eventually address the problem, it may be too late. Democracies may destabilize, as in Nepal, and or violent ethnic conflicts and civil wars may ensue, as evidenced in many culturally divided societies.”